哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）？乔治哈里森简介

本文目录

• 哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）
• 乔治哈里森简介
• 沙奎尔哈里森身高臂展
• 披头士乐队成员之一乔治·哈里森逝世
• 反恐特警组哈里森为什么叫洪都
• 李小龙传奇哈里森原型
• 奎尔.哈里森的实力如何呢是你喜欢的吗
• 打爆利物浦的杰克-哈里森，到底是什么来头
• 哈里森博士和中国的合作是什么
• 詹姆斯、哈里森被称为“金臂人”，他挽救了多少人

哈里森的“绝命”就职演说（一）

哈里森出身于弗吉尼亚种植者贵族家庭。 他生于1773年伯克利。父亲本杰明·哈里森曾任弗吉尼亚州长，是《独立宣言》签署人之一。哈里森18岁参军，给安东尼·韦恩将军做副官。1798年任西北地区部长。1798年任新设州——印第安纳州州长。他从印第安人手中夺得3000万英亩土地并入该州。1812年，英军与印第安人联合向印第安那州进犯，美国对英宣战，哈里森作为西北地区联合军司令，取得了泰晤士河战没的胜利。战后历任美国国会众议员、俄亥俄州参议员、美国国会参议员、驻哥伦比亚公使。这位1812年战争中的英雄是在68岁时经过艰苦激烈的竞选才赢得总统职位，然而他却只当了一个月的国家行政长官。1841年3月4日哈里森就职那天正遇上寒流，凛冽寒风中，哈里森用了一个半小时宣读他的就职演说。他的演讲加上几位其他官员的讲话，使参加者长时间领略了华盛顿的寒冷。在就职典礼时感受风寒，后转为肺炎，并且一病不起，在职仅一个月即病故。副总统约翰·泰勒马上继任总统，威廉·亨利·哈里森好像根本就没有当几天总统。他成为美国第一位在白宫去世的总统。他本人无明确政纲，执政期间未采取任何重大行动。今天，尽管历史学家们仍记得哈里森是位优秀的军事指挥家，但关于他是总统的记录就是他是历在位时间最短的总统。 　　THURSDAY, MARCH 4, 1841 　　Called from a retirement which I had supposed was to continue for the residue of my life to fill the chief executive office of this great and free nation, I appear before you, fellow-citizens, to take the oaths which the Constitution prescribes as a necessary qualification for the performance of its duties; and in obedience to a custom coeval with our Government and what I believe to be your expectations I proceed to present to you a summary of the principles which will govern me in the discharge of the duties which I shall be called upon to perform. 　　It was the remark of a Roman consul in an early period of that celebrated Republic that a most striking contrast was observable in the conduct of candidates for offices of power and trust before and after obtaining them, they seldom carrying out in the latter case the pledges and promises made in the former. However much the world may have improved in many respects in the lapse of upward of two thousand years since the remark was made by the virtuous and indignant Roman, I fear that a strict examination of the annals of some of the modern elective governments would develop similar instances of violated confidence. 　　Although the fiat of the people has gone forth proclaiming me the Chief Magistrate of this glorious Union, nothing upon their part remaining to be done, it may be thought that a motive may exist to keep up the delusion under which they may be supposed to have acted in relation to my principles and opinions; and perhaps there may be some in this assembly who have come here either prepared to condemn those I shall now deliver, or, approving them, to doubt the sincerity with which they are now uttered. But the lapse of a few months will confirm or dispel their fears. The outline of principles to govern and measures to be adopted by an Administration not yet begun will soon be exchanged for immutable history, and I shall stand either exonerated by my countrymen or classed with the mass of those who promised that they might deceive and flattered with the intention to betray. However strong may be my present purpose to realize the expectations of a magnanimous and confiding people, I too well understand the dangerous temptations to which I shall be exposed from the magnitude of the power which it has been the pleasure of the people to commit to my hands not to place my chief confidence upon the aid of that Almighty Power which has hitherto protected me and enabled me to bring to favorable issues other important but still greatly inferior trusts heretofore confided to me by my country. 　　The broad foundation upon which our Constitution rests being the people——a breath of theirs having made, as a breath can unmake, change, or modify it——it can be assigned to none of the great divisions of government but to that of democracy. If such is its theory, those who are called upon to administer it must recognize as its leading principle the duty of shaping their measures so as to produce the greatest good to the greatest number. But with these broad admissions, if we would compare the sovereignty acknowledged to exist in the mass of our people with the power claimed by other sovereignties, even by those which have been considered most purely democratic, we shall find a most essential difference. All others lay claim to power limited only by their own will. The majority of our citizens, on the contrary, possess a sovereignty with an amount of power precisely equal to that which has been granted to them by the parties to the national compact, and nothing beyond. We admit of no government by divine right, believing that so far as power is concerned the Beneficent Creator has made no distinction amongst men; that all are upon an equality, and that the only legitimate right to govern is an express grant of power from the governed. The Constitution of the United States is the instrument containing this grant of power to the several departments composing the Government. On an examination of that instrument it will be found to contain declarations of power granted and of power withheld. The latter is also susceptible of division into power which the majority had the right to grant, but which they do not think proper to intrust to their agents, and that which they could not have granted, not being possessed by themselves. In other words, there are certain rights possessed by each individual American citizen which in his compact with the others he has never surrendered. Some of them, indeed, he is unable to surrender, being, in the language of our system, unalienable. The boasted privilege of a Roman citizen was to him a shield only against a petty provincial ruler, whilst the proud democrat of Athens would console himself under a sentence of death for a supposed violation of the national faith——which no one understood and which at times was the subject of the mockery of all——or the banishment from his home, his family, and his country with or without an alleged cause, that it was the act not of a single tyrant or hated aristocracy, but of his assembled countrymen. Far different is the power of our sovereignty. It can interfere with no one’s faith, prescribe forms of worship for no one’s observance, inflict no punishment but after well-ascertained guilt, the result of investigation under rules prescribed by the Constitution itself. These precious privileges, and those scarcely less important of giving expression to his thoughts and opinions, either by writing or speaking, unrestrained but by the liability for injury to others, and that of a full participation in all the advantages which flow from the Government, the acknowledged property of all, the American citizen derives from no charter granted by his fellow-man. He claims them because he is himself a man, fashioned by the same Almighty hand as the rest of his species and entitled to a full share of the blessings with which He has endowed them. Notwithstanding the limited sovereignty possessed by the people of the United Stages and the restricted grant of power to the Government which they have adopted, enough has been given to accomplish all the objects for which it was created. It has been found powerful in war, and hitherto justice has been administered, and intimate union effected, domestic tranquillity preserved, and personal liberty secured to the citizen. As was to be expected, however, from the defect of language and the necessarily sententious manner in which the Constitution is written, disputes have arisen as to the amount of power which it has actually granted or was intended to grant. 　　This is more particularly the case in relation to that part of the instrument which treats of the legislative branch, and not only as regards the exercise of powers claimed under a general clause giving that body the authority to pass all laws necessary to carry into effect the specified powers, but in relation to the latter also. It is, however, consolatory to reflect that most of the instances of alleged departure from the letter or spirit of the Constitution have ultimately received the sanction of a majority of the people. And the fact that many of our statesmen most distinguished for talent and patriotism have been at one time or other of their political career on both sides of each of the most warmly disputed questions forces upon us the inference that the errors, if errors there were, are attributable to the intrinsic difficulty in many instances of ascertaining the intentions of the framers of the Constitution rather than the influence of any sinister or unpatriotic motive. But the great danger to our institutions does not appear to me to be in a usurpation by the Government of power not granted by the people, but by the accumulation in one of the departments of that which was assigned to others. Limited as are the powers which have been granted, still enough have been granted to constitute a despotism if concentrated in one of the departments. This danger is greatly heightened, as it has been always observable that men are less jealous of encroachments of one department upon another than upon their own reserved rights. When the Constitution of the United States first came from the hands of the Convention which formed it, many of the sternest republicans of the day were alarmed at the extent of the power which had been granted to the Federal Government, and more particularly of that portion which had been assigned to the executive branch. There were in it features which appeared not to be in harmony with their ideas of a simple representative democracy or republic, and knowing the tendency of power to increase itself, particularly when exercised by a single individual, predictions were made that at no very remote period the Government would terminate in virtual monarchy. It would not become me to say that the fears of these patriots have been already realized; but as I sincerely believe that the tendency of measures and of men’s opinions for some years past has been in that direction, it is, I conceive, strictly proper that I should take this occasion to repeat the assurances I have heretofore given of my determination to arrest the progress of that tendency if it really exists and restore the Government to its pristine health and vigor, as far as this can be effected by any legitimate exercise of the power placed in my hands. 　　I proceed to state in as summary a manner as I can my opinion of the sources of the evils which have been so extensively complained of and the correctives which may be applied. Some of the former are unquestionably to be found in the defects of the Constitution; others, in my judgment, are attributable to a misconstruction of some of its provisions. Of the former is the eligibility of the same individual to a second term of the Presidency. The sagacious mind of Mr. Jefferson early saw and lamented this error, and attempts have been made, hitherto without success, to apply the amendatory power of the States to its correction. As, however, one mode of correction is in the power of every President, and consequently in mine, it would be useless, and perhaps invidious, to enumerate the evils of which, in the opinion of many of our fellow-citizens, this error of the sages who framed the Constitution may have been the source and the bitter fruits which we are still to gather from it if it continues to disfigure our system. It may be observed, however, as a general remark, that republics can commit no greater error than to adopt or continue any feature in their systems of government which may be calculated to create or increase the lover of power in the bosoms of those to whom necessity obliges them to commit the management of their affairs; and surely nothing is more likely to produce such a state of mind than the long continuance of an office of high trust. Nothing can be more corrupting, nothing more destructive of all those noble feelings which belong to the character of a devoted republican patriot. When this corrupting passion once takes possession of the human mind, like the love of gold it becomes insatiable. It is the never-dying worm in his bosom, grows with his growth and strengthens with the declining years of its victim. If this is true, it is the part of wisdom for a republic to limit the service of that officer at least to whom she has intrusted the management of her foreign relations, the execution of her laws, and the command of her armies and navies to a period so short as to prevent his forgetting that he is the accountable agent, not the principal; the servant, not the master. Until an amendment of the Constitution can be effected public opinion may secure the desired object. I give my aid to it by renewing the pledge heretofore given that under no circumstances will I consent to serve a second term. 　　But if there is danger to public liberty from the acknowledged defects of the Constitution in the want of limit to the continuance of the Executive power in the same hands, there is, I apprehend, not much less from a misconstruction of that instrument as it regards the powers actually given. I can not conceive that by a fair construction any or either of its provisions would be found to constitute the President a part of the legislative power. It can not be claimed from the power to recommend, since, although enjoined as a duty upon him, it is a privilege which he holds in common with every other citizen; and although there may be something more of confidence in the propriety of the measures recommended in the one case than in the other, in the obligations of ultimate decision there can be no difference. In the language of the Constitution, "all the legislative powers" which it grants "are vested in the Congress of the United States." It would be a solecism in language to say that any portion of these is not included in the whole.

乔治哈里森简介

职业：歌手、词曲作者

国籍：英语

为什么出名：英国音乐家、歌手和词曲作者谁成为著名的甲壳虫乐队的首席吉他手。大多数披头士专辑至少收录了一首哈里森的歌曲，其中包括《当我的吉他轻轻地哭泣》、《太阳来了》和《某物》，这首歌成为披头士第二受欢迎的歌曲。

出生于1943年2月25日出生地：利物浦，英国

一代：无声一代中国生肖：羊/羊星座：双鱼座

死亡：2001年11月29日（58岁）死因：肺癌

文章和照片披头士1962年，一个名为披头士的未知组织前往伦敦，与一家主要唱片公司进行唱片合同试听。他们被拒绝了。1962年1月1日披头士乐队的埃德沙利文披头士乐队和电视主持人埃德沙利文在1964年2月的节目中首次亮相。1964年2月9日对猫王的回忆只有一个演员与披头士乐队和猫王普雷斯利一起出现在电影中：鲜为人知的诺曼罗辛顿。1999年5月21日的婚姻生活1966年1月21日披头士乐队乔治哈里森嫁给模特帕蒂博伊德1978年9月02日乔治哈里森嫁给奥利维亚乔治哈里森生活中的事件1958年8月29日乔治哈里森加入采石场（列侬麦卡特尼最佳萨特克利夫）1963年4月14日乔治哈里森对未签名的“滚石乐队”印象深刻1963年5月10日德卡根据披头士乔治哈里森1964-09-11乔治哈里森成立莫尼科有限公司音乐出版公司1964-12-07乔治哈里森将公司名称从莫尼科改为哈里森1964-12-25乔治哈里森的女友帕蒂博伊德被披头士女粉丝袭击1965-02-07乔治哈里森的扁桃体被切除1966-06-01乔治哈里森印象深刻拉维·尚卡尔1967-06-28伦敦演唱会乔治·哈里森因超速1968-02-16甲壳虫乐队乔治·哈里森被罚款6英镑，约翰列侬和他们的妻子飞往印度，与马哈里希·马赫什·约吉（Maharishi Mahesh Yogi）一起进行超验冥想研究，1968-05-15年与乔治·哈里森（George Harrison）在戛纳电影节（Cannes Film Festival）举行首映式，1968-09-06埃里克·克莱普顿（Eric Clapton）为乔治·哈里森（George Harrison）的《当我的吉他轻轻哭泣》（While My guitar Welly Well）录制吉他曲目，1968-10-哈里森和帕蒂·博伊德每人因非法毒品被罚款250英镑1969年10月31日乔治·哈里森的《某物》在英国发行1970年11月23日乔治·哈里森在美国发行《我的甜心主》单曲1970年11月27日乔治·哈里森发行他的三张专辑集《一切必须通过》1971年1月15日乔治·哈里森在英国发行《我的甜心主》单曲1971年1月31日乔治·哈里森的《我亲爱的主》在英国流行音乐排行榜1971-02-23中排名第一乔治·哈里森被罚款，驾照被吊销一年1971-07-30乔治·哈里森发行的《孟加拉国》1971-08-01乔治·哈里森为孟加拉国举办的音乐会在纽约1972-02-28乔治·哈里森卷入了1973-05-25年的一场小车祸哈里森在英国发行《给我爱》1973-06-01乔治哈里森的《生活在物质世界》走红1973-06-22乔治哈里森发行《生活在物质世界》1973-07-25乔治哈里森支付1000英镑，1974-03-01乔治哈里森在孟加拉国演唱会和专辑上的000税1974-12-06年11月乔治哈里森宣布他的演唱会巡回演出“叮咚，丁东“1974-12-20乔治哈里森在英国发行他的“黑马”专辑1975-10-03乔治哈里森在英国发行“额外纹理”专辑1976-02-06乔治哈里森发行“这把吉他（忍不住哭）”1976-04-20乔治哈里森与巨蟒合唱伐木工歌曲1976-08-31乔治哈里森被判剽窃“我的甜心”主“1976-09-07美国法院裁定乔治哈里森犯有剽窃罪（他很好）1976-09-28 A&M起诉乔治哈里森谁没有达到LP完成的最后期限1976-11-19乔治哈里森发行“这首歌”1976-11-20乔治哈里森出现在“周六夜现场”1977-02-18乔治哈里森发行“真爱”1979-02-16 G乔治哈里森发行“吹走”1979-02-23乔治哈里森发行“乔治哈里森”专辑1979-04-27乔治哈里森发行“爱来到每个人”1979-07-13乔治哈里森发行单曲“更快”1981-02-06披头士保罗麦卡特尼，林戈·斯塔尔和乔治·哈里森为约翰·列侬录制了一张悼念唱片1981年2月19日乔治·哈里森被勒令向ABKCO音乐公司支付587美元，因为“潜意识抄袭”他的歌曲“我的甜心主”与罗尼麦克的歌曲“他很好”1981-05-15乔治哈里森发布“所有那些年前”在英国1981-06-05乔治哈里森发布“在英格兰某地”1982-11-05乔治哈里森发布“去特罗普”专辑1987-10-12乔治哈里森发布“我的思想在你身上”1987年11月02日乔治哈里森发行“云9”和麦卡特尼发行“最棒的”1988年1月25日乔治哈里森发行“当我们是Fab”1988年6月13日乔治哈里森发行“这就是爱”1989年10月23日乔治哈里森发行“黑马1976-89最佳”专辑1989年11月27日乔治哈里森在Facebook上发行“加油”和“可怜的小女孩”分享在Twitter上分享著名歌手娜塔莉·缅因罗宾·吉布蒂娜·特纳著名作曲家巴迪·霍利“0”梅勒·哈格德“1”扎恩·马里

沙奎尔哈里森身高臂展

沙奎尔·哈里森身高达到193cm，臂展200cm。

沙奎尔·哈里森，1993年10月6日出生于美国密西西比州堪萨斯城，美国职业篮球运动员，司职控球后卫，效力于NBA洛杉矶湖人队。沙奎尔·哈里森是2016年NBA落选秀，职业生涯先后效力于菲尼克斯太阳队、芝加哥公牛队、犹他爵士队、布鲁克林篮网队以及洛杉矶湖人队。

2023年4月9日，哈里森被湖人队签下，将随队参加2022-23赛季NBA季后赛。沙奎尔·哈里森是个很好的防守者，他上场后能很好地控制篮球，很好地防守对面的人，让他们很难得分，不需要其他人替代他的位置。

沙奎尔·哈里森的早年经历：

2012-13赛季，沙奎尔·哈里森代表塔尔萨大学出战33场比赛，场均26.9分钟，得到6.9分、3.8篮板和2.9助攻。2013-14赛季，沙奎尔·哈里森代表塔尔萨大学出战34场比赛，场均30.2分钟，得到9.6分、3.9篮板和3.2助攻。

2014-15赛季，沙奎尔·哈里森代表塔尔萨大学出战34场比赛，场均31.4分钟，得到13.2分、5.1篮板和3.7助攻。2015-16赛季，沙奎尔·哈里森代表塔尔萨大学出战32场比赛，场均32.3分钟，得到15.1分、5.5篮板和4.1助攻。

披头士乐队成员之一乔治·哈里森逝世

2001年11月29日，披头士乐队成员之一，英国著名的吉他演奏家、歌手、作曲家、专辑制作人以及电影制作人乔治·哈里森逝世。

在14岁的时候，哈里森拥有了第一把吉他。后来认识了保罗·麦卡特尼，加入了采石人乐队，即披头士乐队的前身。作为披头士主音吉他手，哈里森被称为沉默的披头。

由于信仰印度神学，哈里森开阔了乐队成员的视野，使披头士音乐多元化。披头士解散后，哈里森的独奏生涯很成功。

哈里森为乐队的主吉他手。在乐队最风光的岁月，约翰·列侬与保罗·麦卡特尼是主要的词曲创作人。然而，乔治在每张专辑中也都会创作并主唱一到两首歌曲。在披头士时代，哈里森被印度的音乐及哲学所吸引，是当时最积极接触的西方人。而这也将影响哈里森往后的人生及音乐创作。

反恐特警组哈里森为什么叫洪都

角色名称的谐音。《反恐特警组》是由哥伦比亚影业公司出品的动作片，在该剧中，由于角色哈里森的姓氏谐音为洪都，所以该角色又被叫做洪都。该影片由克拉克·约翰森执导，于2004年4月23日在中国大陆上映。

李小龙传奇哈里森原型

没有原型。在电视剧《李小龙传奇》中，哈里森为电影中完全虚构的角色，主要作用是凸显影片矛盾，所以没有原型。《李小龙传奇》是由中国国际电视总公司、中央电视台文艺节目中心出品的电视剧，李小龙之女李香凝担任制片人，李文歧执导，钱林森、张建广联合编剧，陈国坤领衔主演，米雪儿·朗、王洛勇、于承惠、雷·帕克等人主演。

奎尔.哈里森的实力如何呢是你喜欢的吗

奎尔.哈里森的实力在联盟里并不是很强，虽然实力不强，但是奎尔.哈里森一直很努力，我是非常喜欢这名球员的。上赛季奎尔.哈里森代表爵士队出战了17场比赛，场均3.3分钟，可以得到1分0.5篮板0.5助攻的数据。奎尔.哈里森是一名身材高大的控球后卫，他的运动能力很出色，在防守端的态度也很积极，愿意在场上干脏活累活，能够很好地保护篮板和限制对手的发挥，但是奎尔.哈里森的投篮能力不是很稳定，射程比较短，尤其是三分球的命中率，一直没有很大的提升。虽然机会不多，但是奎尔.哈里森一直很努力，他需要一支能够给他机会的球队，如果能够提升投篮，奎尔.哈里森还有机会。

2016年的选秀大会，奎尔.哈里森没有被任何球队选中，但是最终被菲尼克斯太阳队选中，在和快船的比赛中，奎尔.哈里森完成了自己的生涯首秀，获得了14分钟的出场时间，得到1篮板4助攻4抢断的数据。这也让奎尔.哈里森得到了第二份短合同。

之后奎尔.哈里森也获得了首发的机会，出场21分钟，得到14分2篮板4助攻的数据，之后太阳和奎尔.哈里森签下了一份多年合同。整个新秀赛季，奎尔.哈里森为太阳出战23场比赛，场均16.7分钟，得到6.6分2.7篮板2.4助攻的数据。

但是赛季结束后，奎尔.哈里森还是被太阳裁掉了，不过奎尔.哈里森还是被公牛签下了，代表公牛打了2个赛季，奎尔.哈里森的表现还不错。不过合同到期之后，奎尔.哈里森并没有和公牛续约，他被爵士签下，不过仅仅打了17场比赛就被裁掉了。

打爆利物浦的杰克-哈里森，到底是什么来头

如果你看了周末利物浦和利兹联的比赛，一定对白玫瑰家的杰克-哈里森印象深刻。他一个人单刀赴会打爆了利物浦的右路，用半条龙服务把阿诺德和戈麦斯过了个干干净净。

那么问题来了，这个杰克-哈里森，到底是什么来头？

【利物浦和曼联的双料青训】

1996年11月20日，杰克-哈里森出生于斯托克城，儿时随父母搬去了博尔顿，然后在6岁的时候加入了利物浦的柯克比青训学院，与现效力于格拉斯哥流浪者的双足怪瑞恩-肯特是幼儿园同学。不过，7岁那年他跳槽去了曼联青训，人生第一次“转会”就去了死敌。

哈里森在曼联青年队度过了七年时光，和麦克托米奈做了很长时间队友。与麦克托米奈的早期青训生涯类似，哈里森也因为身材矮小得不到足够的出场机会。然后，他的母亲建议他：要不，你出国留学吧。

“这对于当时年仅14岁的我来说是一个艰难的决定，但我很信任我的母亲，也很重视她的建议。时至今日，我一直都认为这是个正确的决定。”

2010年，哈里森决定前往美国，先是就读于伯克希尔中学，然后进入维克森林大学。如果你熟悉NBA，一定知道维克森林大学名号，因为这所学校出产过蒂姆-邓肯、克里斯-保罗、约什-·霍华德等一大波篮球大咖。

在美国，足球方面的竞争远不如篮球那么激烈，科班出身的哈里森很快在大学联赛中脱颖而出。2015年，他在大学联赛里获得了赛季最佳球员称号。然后，他迎来了人生中第一个高光时刻——2016年美国职业大联盟选秀上，他以状元的身份被芝加哥火焰选中，随后被交易到了纽约城。

于是，哈里森便在与曼城同宗同祖的纽约城开启了自己的职业生涯，当时他的队友包括大名鼎鼎的皮尔洛、比利亚、兰帕德……在纽约城效力首个赛季，还不满20岁的哈里森就打入了4个联赛进球，这种表现很快引起了英格兰老家的注意。

【从美职联到英格兰】

当时哈里森正在考虑加入美国U21青年队，但时任英格兰U21国家队的索斯盖特果断决定留下这个苗子。

接到南门电话之后，杰克-哈里森激动地表示，“我非常兴奋，都说不出话了。这真是一个令人兴奋的好机会，我非常感激，在我14岁来到这里之后，我从来没想过自己还能被召入英格兰队。这是个特殊的时刻，我会为自己的国家竭尽全力。”

就这样，哈里森兜兜转转终于回到了祖国，和迪恩-亨德森、阿诺德、托莫里、奇尔维尔、图安泽贝、汤姆-戴维斯、奈尔斯、麦迪逊、格雷、卢克曼、索兰克等一帮大英小骄傲们共同组成了那一届的U21国家队。

正是因为有了国家队的亮相机会，哈里森也开始越来越受到英格兰本土球队的关注。在代表纽约城出场61次打入14球并有10次助攻之后，哈里森的家乡球队斯托克城看中了他。

2017年底，斯托克城正式报价哈里森。

纽约城：700万美元，少了不卖。

斯托克城：想钱想疯了？这个数字都能打破美职联的海外出生球员转会费纪录了。

纽约城：没法子，按照美职联的规定我们只能收到50%的款项，另外50%会进入美职联的账户，所以我们实际收到的也只有350万美元。

斯托克城：那我给你加点儿，400万英镑咋样？

纽约城：这个价格我还不如卖给我哥！

于是，2018年1月30日，哈里森正式加盟曼城……

【利兹尖刀，豪门混血】

虽然回到了英超，但哈里森在边锋论斤卖的曼城并没有位置。于是在2017-18赛季，曼城把他租借给了英冠球队米德尔斯堡。然而，米德尔斯堡高举高打战术并不能给技术流的哈里森提供足够的锻炼机会，半个赛季他只代表米堡出场了4次，场均……12分钟。

眼瞅着这美职联状元秀就要在英冠呆废了，曼城决定给他换个练级地点——利兹联，跟随疯子贝尔萨。

然后，哈里森爆发了。在贝尔萨手下，哈里森的积极性和脚下技术很快派上了用场，他的一条龙操作在贝尔萨的反抢反击体系里有大文章可做。于是，他作为右路爆点被摆在战术板的突出位置，并且在两个赛季中打入14球送出6次助攻。

今年8月，利兹联成功拿到了哈里森续租一年并包含买断条款的合同，这被贝尔萨视为球队的重要签约之一。而一个月后利兹联的英超首秀，哈里森的就上演了暴打利物浦的好戏。

回想起来，利物浦和利兹联那场比赛，两队充满了各种友好和谐的送礼气氛。毕竟一笔写不出两个利记，曼联是我们共同的死敌……但哈里森绝对不会把这些塑料友情放在眼里。

因为，这伙计生于斯托克城，长于博尔顿，幼齿在利物浦，青训在曼联，成名在纽约城，受教于阿森纳队长，人属于曼城，游历过米德尔斯堡，目前租借在利兹联……

好吧，他就是个英格兰俱乐部的混血儿。

加油吧。

哈里森博士和中国的合作是什么

通过查询相关资料显示，哈里森博士和中国的合作是就新冠病毒溯源进行联合科研合作。央视新闻1月13日消息，不久前中方宣布，经哈里森和中国双方协商，世卫组织新冠病毒溯源国际专家组将于1月14日来华考察，同中方科学家就新冠病毒溯源进行联合科研合作。

詹姆斯、哈里森被称为“金臂人”，他挽救了多少人

詹姆斯、哈里森被称为“金臂人”，他在半个多世纪里挽救了两百多万婴儿的生命。

詹姆斯.哈里森本是澳大利亚悉尼市的一个普通人，直到他十四岁那年，一场变故打破了他原本寂静的生活。十四岁那年，詹姆斯.哈里森接受了一场大型的胸部手术，手术过程中詹姆斯严重失血，此时医生往他身体内输入了十三升的血浆，大概也就是这次的事故，让詹姆斯成为了一个拥有特殊血液的人。詹姆斯手术恢复后，他深刻明白了血液对于一个手术濒危的人的重要性，所以身体恢复健康之后的詹姆斯就下定决心决定以后成为一个义务献血者。他第一次献血的时候，医生惊讶地发现，他的血液里面有一种独特的抗体，这在世界上是独一无二的，这种抗体能够治疗新生儿的溶血症，从此他的生活就翻开了崭新的一幕。

可能很多人不了解溶血症，溶血症是新生儿的一种非常致命的疾病，其主要原因是因为母亲的血型和肚子里的胎儿的血型不同，从而导致婴儿患上溶血症，这种疾病的死亡率是很高的，而且在之前，这种病还没有办法能够治愈。直到詹姆斯.哈里森血液被医生发现，医生们就像发现了宝藏一样，甚至称詹姆斯为“拥有金手臂的男人”。詹姆斯知道自己血液的特殊性之后，就更加热衷于献血了，他每隔几周就会去医院献一次血，现在的詹姆斯.哈里森已经七十四岁了，已经是个头发花白的老人了，但是他仍然没有停止他所热爱的献血事业。

迄今为止，他已经献血九百多次，挽救了将近两百多万婴儿的生命，包括他自己的女儿在内。他的血液将帮助医生们研制出溶血症疫苗，将用来挽救更多婴儿的生命。